Appealing once more to the example of Bologna, Christine argued that rule by the people in the contemporary world did not lead to good government or to peace. Although she does not refer to Giles of Rome by name, Christine alluded to his contention that a virtuous ruler would rely on his own subjects as men-at-arms, unlike the tyrant, who does not trust his own subjects GKP: , ; LGR: , Indeed, this enforcement dilemma was a problem which confronted all those political thinkers who saw good government as depending on the morality of the individual ruler.
Similarly, she invoked the authority of St Peter who had commanded that subjects and servants should be obedient to their princes and masters Romans ; Titus 3: 1; 1 Peter 2: Even here, however, many of the cases she cites are actually of those who opposed proud, foreign invaders, as when Judith killed Holofernes, the Assyrian general Judith 1: 5; 2: ; 3: 13; 6: 2 or when Judas Maccabeus defeated the Syrian leader Seron 1 Maccabees 3: 13, with, such resistance to external aggression constituting a much less controversial issue for medieval thinkers than rebellion by subjects against their own lord BP: II: 4; III: 1, , After all, following Aristotle and Cicero, it was a commonplace of medieval political theorists, including Giles of Rome, that, in provoking opposition from those whom he has wronged, the rule of the tyrant would inevitably be the most short-lived form of government GKP: 25, , , ; LGR: 21, , , One of the manuscripts of the Livre de paix even asks whether it would be unexpected if such a lord was not only exiled from his land but was also killed by his subjects and offers a far more bitter criticism of the tyrant than that which appears in the manuscript which forms the basis of the text of the most recent edition of this work.
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Here the rulers are elected for short periods of time, are constrained by the laws which the community lays down and are subject to some form of popular scrutiny. He defended the superiority of elected monarchy over hereditary succession and so while, like Giles of Rome, he accepted the Aristotelian claim that nature itself showed the need for a single source of authority within the body politic, he argued that this hierarchical necessity did not entail the need for rule by a single individual.
Secondly, as Giles had said, he should rely on older knights and nobles for advice on the management of his royal estate. BP: I: Equally significant is what she omits from her body politic in the Livre du corps de policie , i. The Philosopher could therefore be appealed to not only by those who, like Marsilius of Padua, stressed the authority of the community as a whole but also by those, such as Giles of Rome and Christine de Pizan, who sought to bolster royal power and who stressed the primacy of the monarchical head within the body politic even though they never lost sight of the reciprocal obligations which bound the head and the other parts of the body.
However, as we shall see below, this political philosophy was, in turn, only one expression of a much broader social outlook, one which, like her political philosophy, combined the ideals of unity and mutuality within society with the need for hierarchy and deference. How was she able to reconcile a belief in social equity and justice with the need for hierarchy and obedience?
BP: III: 2, 6, 9. Indeed, in the Mutacion de Fortune , while Christine condemns virtually every social group, from the dissipated and luxurious nobles, through corrupt officials and merchants who are rarely kind, to the urban commons who lack sobriety, the hard-working villagers although not, as we shall see, those peasants who impatiently refuse to accept their lot in life seem to remain relatively blameless MF: , In practice, such differences in the detail of how the metaphor of the body politic was employed were not particularly important since the main purpose of the organic analogy was not empirical description but rather normative prescription.
The analogy with the body was not intended to illustrate how society was actually structured but rather to teach a lesson about the principles by which it should ideally be arranged and, in particular, about the need for a reciprocal interdependence of all its members if the health of the whole was to be maintained. For Christine, social unity could be achieved, despite the social divisions created by the diversity of ranks and of occupations, by the rich supporting the poor through bearing their share of taxation and through giving charity to the needy, and by the labourers working truly to support the body politic of which they were the feet.
She thus advises charity on the part of the rich whilst enjoining patience on the part of those who suffer poverty on Earth so that they may achieve the joy of salvation in the next world. Or it should do so, for those who fail in this regard dishonour their ancestry.
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If Christine believed in peace then it was peace through strength. Similarly, Giles of Rome had extolled the virtues of the division of labour between particular industries and between different towns, with trade and money facilitating such specialisation, as one of the means of meeting the needs of the community. Yet, while explicitly defending the rights of the Church, Christine, as so often, was also able to have it both ways. Such questions had been a source of conflict since the 13 th century but became particularly marked after the start of the Great Schism in On the contrary, just as John of Salisbury had attacked the glories and riches of this world as filth when they became impediments to salvation Pol: V: 11 p.
VII: 25 p. How, then, did Christine justify such unequal social and political arrangements?
In answering this question, Aristotle had distinguished between various types of justice. Here there is not the simple equality of commutative exchange. Rather, as Aristotle said, while this form of justice requires equality for those who are equals it also involves inequality for those who are unequal, debate then being likely to arise within the political community about the criterion e.
Here inequality is taken for granted so that it is not inequality per se which creates a sense of injustice within people but rather the allocation of unequal shares to equals or of equal rewards to those who are unequal. He argued that while the individual members of the human body, such as the eye or the foot, should exist in a relationship of commutative justice in which each needs the services of the others, the continued survival of the body also required that its parts should be related in terms of distributive justice.
Likewise, rightful order within the body politic requires the existence of the distributive justice by which rewards are granted to the members of the community according to their dignity or worth. The common goods of society, such as wealth, honour and power should therefore be distributed according to the status of the person who receives them GKP: , , , , LGR: , , , It was precisely because each man was entitled to receive his due that, as Aquinas, Giles and other thinkers argued, subjects should render their rulers the reverence and obedience which were their right: justice here meant obedience.
Accordingly, since human ethics should follow nature, it followed that, as Aristotle himself had famously said, human virtue itself constituted a mean between two vices.
Similarly, while Giles of Rome sought to justify the existence of private property and the need for inequality in the distribution of wealth, he did not seek to defend the limitless or disproportionate pursuit of individual riches. Against such greed, nature teaches a different lesson: whilst a bird in an egg is nourished by its yolk or a young mammal is fed with its mother's milk, nature does not need to provide them with endless nourishment.
Likewise, rather than seeking endless wealth, each man should be rewarded with the wealth needed to maintain his rank or estate Latin: status GKP: 70, 76, , , , , , , ; LGR: 55, 61, 89, , , , , , ; DRP: II, iii: xii. In general, her political philosophy was in line with the orthodoxy of medieval Aristotelianism and, indeed, at times embodied a particularly hierarchical understanding of that tradition.
Seen in this perspective, much of their inventiveness lay not in their political content but rather in the artistry of the form in which this content was expressed. In this work, Christine also compares herself to an architect in defending her own borrowings from previous writers: the author is like an architect who directs the construction of building even if he himself does not make the stones from which the building is constructed LFBM: I: However, Christine de Pizan, with her emphasis on the desirability of royal government, on the dangers of rule by the many, and on the need for hierarchy and inequality within the social and political order, should not be included amongst their ranks.
For a reading of modern Chaucer criticism in terms of the clash between these two approaches, see S. See S. Brewer, , p. Willard and. Green, C.
Mews and J. Kennedy and K. Varty, Medium Aevum Monographs, n. Willard and E. Willard, New York, Persea, , p.
Solente, 4 volumes; Paris, A. McLeod and C. Willard, Woodbridge, D. Brewer, Altmann and D. McGrady, New York, Routledge, , p. For a survey of earlier scholarship, see G. Simone, Torino, Accademia delle Scienze, , p. Brabant, Boulder, Westview, , p. Zimmermann and D.
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De Rentis, Berlin, Walter de Gruyter, , p. See also L. Dulac and C. Autrand, Christine de Pizan: une femme en politique, Paris, Fayard, , p. Bornstein, Carl Winter, Heidelberg, Desmond, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, , p. Burns, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, , p. See also C. Green and C. Brabant and M. Horrox and W. Ormrod, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, , p. Rigby, Oxford, Blackwell, , p. For a stress on the medieval use of organic analogy to justify inequalities of power at a local level, see R.
Thomson, Gloucester, Alan Sutton, , p. For a list of references to a wide range of primary sources which use the organic analogy, see O. Nederman and K. Forhan, London, Routledge, See also R. See also Black, Political Thought in Europe , p. Solente, p. Kennedy; C. Richards, J. Williamson, N. Margolis and C. Campbell and N. Margolis, Amsterdam, Rodopi, , p. Hicks and T. Moreau, Paris, Stock, , p.
Webb Oxford, Oxford University press, ; two volumes. Dickinson, New York, Russell and Russell, Winterbottom in Journal of Ecclesiastical History , 43, , p. Manuscrit no. Reference to these works is given in the form of abbreviated titles in the text. Fowler, C. Briggs and P. Molenaer, New York, Macmillan, , cited by page reference.
Glorieux , Paris, , p. Kennedy, R. Brown-Grant, J. Laidlaw and C. II, p.
Dulac, A. Paupert, C. Reno and B. Hellman, , Leipzig, J. Hinrichs, , p.